Stephanie Uriarte

Stephanie Uriarte, 561 words

In the first article, "Race and Gender Differences in self-efficacy", the sample consisted of 486 undergraduate college students in a university in the middle south. This sample was not random at all, it was a convenient sample but it was a representative sample of the student population. The sample consisted of 20.8% African American women, 9.7% black men, 44% white female and 25.5% white men. Most of the participants' mothers worked full-time and fewer of the participants grew up in a single parent home. The dependent variable was self-efficacy, the person's perceptions of his/her ability to attempt and achieve difficult tasks. Race and gender was an independent variable. Also, sex- role liberalism like whether or not the participants agrees with sex roles such as the women take care of the home while the men earns the money. Finally, work and family structure. It is believed that the way a family is structured is strongly associated to both the creation of gender role attitudes and self-efficacy.  They found that your gender and race does predict sex role liberalism. Females have on average a higher sex role liberalism as so do African Americans compared to whites. For white people, the gender of the person was greatly related to self- efficacy.  White males reported having a higher self- efficacy compared to white females. Furthermore, black females have a higher self-efficacy than black males. In addition, moms being employed doesn't affect self- efficacy for African Americans. Growing up in a single parent home doesn't affect young black females but it does so to black males. They tend to have a slightly lower self- efficacy. In the second article, "The typification of Hispanics as criminals and support for punitive crime control policies" the data used was collected by using a national telephone survey about thoughts of race, ethnicity and crime. The final sample consists of 885 adults, averaged at the age of 46, US residents accessed by RDD. The phone numbers were randomly produced by a computer. The final sample consisted of 56% female, 81% white, 8.7% black, and 7.5% Hispanic. The dependent variable was crime control support. In this survey 8 questions were asked measuring the support for crime control policies. One independent variable was Hispanic criminal typification. This was created in order to represent the extent to which respondents connected crime with Hispanics. Secondly, individual-level control measures meaning several attitudinal and demographic measures like black criminal typification, racial prejudice, political conservatism, age, education and crime salience. Lastly state level measures, like a log on both the percentages of blacks and Hispanics in a state. They found that states that are close to the border with a greater percentage of immigrants from Latin America, and high unemployment rates are more likely to support for disciplinary crime polices. Also, people who stereotype criminal as Hispanics. Hispanic criminal typification had no effect on crime control support with people who showed higher levels of black criminal typification, racial prejudice and fear of victimization. This typification of Hispanic criminals only had a significant effect on people who have less racial prejudice, fear of victimization, racial prejudice, black criminal typification and not are conservative. Finally, in states with a greater measurement of people born in Latin America, this Hispanic criminal stereotype didn't have an effect on crime control support but in states with a lesser population of Latin Americans did.